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• 1 2018-01-05T23:37:18+00:00 Any One Chicana Identity 12 My hysterical presence as la Coatlicue plain 2018-01-18T04:45:04+00:00

  My hysterical presence as la Coatlicue

  I have always known the definition of Chicana as an ideology, a political, historical, cultural definition "[with] roots in the development of Indian and Spanish culture and history," as suggested by Martha Cotera in The Chicana Feminist. 
   
  I searched and searched for a definition of Chicana that made sense to me. I kept failing. This is not an excuse--it is a liberation and a challenge. I am challenged to define what I live and breathe as a fluid being. I don't skip from definition to definition--I am in constant definition, befitting the moment, the movement, the circumstance, the action of revelation.
  I cannot define Chicana--to do so means to stop a progression, a creation that is an elusive and escapist self. To define Chicana requires staking the ground, owning the words offered, in an order, to make sentences that will produce boundaries. If I am bound, I am dead. If I am free, I am alive with an identity that has a, as Martha Cotera describes it, "historical--or hysterical--presence"  Sentences become sticks, holding flags on a deceased landscape--killed by the static structure required of grammar. A Chicana is, was and will be--at the same time, yesterday, and tomorrow, how the world shapes her to act. She has roots in Mexico, the U.S., France, Spain, and Africa that also shape her to act. 
  
  At 4, I knew rose gardens were grown for love, with dirt and water and care. Roses would teach me how to add, subtract, multiply y que rosas eran para cortar y hacer bonita la mesa cuando senamos (roses were cut to make the table smell and look beautiful for dinner).
  
  At 11, I was fighting mi abuelito for the right to build a clubhouse because girls don't do things like that, when I knew this Chicana could and did.
  
  At 19, commenting on my college advisors German Irish ancestry and how great it was that he had lost his accent in response to his amazement that I had lost mine. We got along fine after that.
  At 23, fighting for my life from an illness that claimed the use of my body with a vague and unsure prognosis of some recovery--my Chicana body said no, there will be a full reclamation of this body. This identity in its physical form had seemingly failed its owner--this Chicana mind said no, and got better. Yemaya and Oya, as wind and whirlwind, pushed and shoved this Chicana in many directions.
  
  At 40, I smelled the dirt that grew the tomatoes, clematis and honeysuckle. I could feel mi abuelita's manos en mis manos, lifting the dirt to my face to know the smell of a healthy life force--Yemaya in the gentle wind, Oya in the driving rain testing stalk and branch to give fruit, firm in the healthy ground to see another day. On my knees, listening for Oya to say, ya manana, vas a conocer las repuestas for living is how life gets definition.
  At 45, taking a deep breath before explaining to a (self proclaimed) third wave feminist attorney what exactly a Chicana is, knowing full well the "it's an ideology specific to some Latinas, usually Mexican and Mexican American women" approach has as much meaning to the young, blonde, lawyer from California, as an explanation that defines "Catholic" as "an ideology specific to people who believe in Jesus." She smiles, I smile, we move on.
  
  QUOTE PLACEHOLDERS
  Ethnicity, for Chicanas, is not just a name, a history, a language, or learned behaviors, but also that emotional and spiritual part of the Self that seems most mysterious and carries such force in our lives." Eden Torres, Chicana Without Apology: The New Chicana Cultural Studies 
  QUOTE PLACEHOLDER
  "Chicanas' activism was born out of the everyday strength of women at the center of familial and community life whose sensibilities drew from a structure of feeling or commonsense beliefs about more egalitarian gendered roles baed on a long legacy of working-class women's labor participation, activism, and, in some cases, radicalism." Maylei Blackwell, Chicana Power: Contested Histories of Feminism in the Chicano Movement. 
  QUOTE PLACEHOLDER
  "In this historical moment when women have been able to question their traditional roles, Chicana women have precariously straddled twin roles, the one that our heritage implies as women, and the role economic necessity imposes on our lives." Portillo, Lourdes. "On Chicanas and Filmmaking: A Commentary."  
  QUOTE PLACEHOLDER
  "For me, la Coatlicue is the consuming internal whirlwind" "Yemaya is also known as the wind, Oya as the whirlwind."
  Gloria Anzaldua, Borderlands La Frontera, The New Mestiza 25th Anniversary
  QUOTE PLACEHOLDER
  "I don't think you have to search for your identity. You identify with one kind of feeling at one point, then another and another, in the process of refinement. If you have a concencia social, you finally get to the point where you're either socially responsible or not--you are a vegetable."

  This is identity--what you are and what you feel at a certain time as a person living in a certain environment. It is your historical--or hysterical--presence. Martha Cotera. "Identidad." The Chicana Feminist.
• 1 2018-01-05T17:08:29+00:00 The Chicana After 1977 1 plain 2018-01-05T17:08:29+00:00 In 1974 the Mexican American National Women’s Association (MANA) emerges as a professional group of women, employed in government and the academy with offices in Washington D.C. One of the challenges for Chicanas of the IWY NWC 1977 Houston meeting was establishing a national Chicana identity—a topic discussed with regularity since the 1971 Houston conference of Chicanas.  When the dust settles on one of the last elections of an NWPC Chicana Caucus chairperson in 1979 what is left is MANA, now a collection of Mexican American, Cuban, and Puerto Rican Women many employed in government or the academy.
  
  After IWY NWC, the National Council of La Raza publishes an issue on La Hispana with a photo of a delegate to IWY NWC on the cover. The issue goes on to highlight MANA women, with no mention of the NWPC Chicana Caucus. Comision Feminil, or Las Mujeres of the Raza Unida Party as recognized Chicana/Latina leadership.
  
  An issue related to the funding of the Chicana Caucus' marketing booklet is the first crack in the foundation that had kept this group of women working together for six years. The 1979 NWPC conference in Cinncinnati signals the end of the original membership. Rhea Mojica Hammer leaves the NWPC entirely, Martha Cotera continues as a national member, focusing on the political needs of women within the Texas state chapter. Margaret also leaves the Caucus and the NWPC, receiving an opportunity to go to law school. Rose Marie Roybal and Rita Trevis of New Mexico are elected a vice chairpersons however, the shifting tides of the women's movement, the emergence of the pro-life movement, the end of the Carter presidency, the resulting era of Ronald Reagan and republican conservatism, all contribute to the rapid decline in interest in the NWPC and the women's movement as a whole. 
  
  The last reference to a member of the NWPC Chicana Caucus occurs in 1983, in a pamphlet for MANA’s conference where an unnamed member of the Chicana Caucus will present on a panel about politics. MANA’s promotional materials indicate the groups desire to “represent Latinidad” in DC and on the east coast.
  
  In 1983, Washington Post journalist James J. Kilpatrick writes of the NWPC convention, " to women who met at San Antonio were mostly Democrats on the far left fringe of their party." Kilpatrick offers that the NWPC a mere six years after the organizations significant involvement in planning and implementing, International Women's Year conference is now a shell of itself--a curiosity, populated by fringe groups of the left.
  
  The 1980s introduce the exhausted feminist as indicated in the anthology Voices of Color, published in 1999. Nancy Reiko Kato offers an analysis of a 1983 Lesbian of Color Conference that mentions the desire of many attendees have a space to take a break from the challenges of movement politics. 
  
  Reiko Kato goes on to mention the continued political, cultural and economic disconnect that, at one point in the earlier part of the 1970s seemed possible to overcome, but by the early 1980s, seems impossible to even consider.